In her seven years as head of NCFB, Das has built unity among Christian leadership, managed crises, improved evangelical relations with the government, undertaken community development programs, and empowered women through various initiatives. 

Asa Kain, superintendent of the Bangladesh Assemblies of God (BAG) and Das’s own pastor, praised her work in reorganizing the BAG national women’s ministry. “She does well to unite different denominations by her patient communication,” Kain said.

Born in the village Kotalipara about 90 miles from Dhaka, Das grew up in a nominal Christian family. Her mother was a deaconess in their small village church of about 15 families, where “few could read the Bible,” she recalled. “Therefore, no one taught us about the Bible, about Jesus, or at Sunday school.” Whatever they learned came from apastor from another community, who visited once a month to administer communion.

Despite this minimal access to Christian instruction, Das felt a pull toward God and the church at age nine. She would skip the first period of school every Sunday (as Bangladesh has weekly off on Fridays and Saturdays and Sundays are working days) to visit the church—often earning herself a smack on the face from her teacher for missing a class. “I didn’t feel embarrassment or shame; I thought to myself that I was not at fault, as I had gone to no other place but to church,” she said. 

In 1987, at age 17, Das had a transformative spiritual experience. During the great floods in Bangladesh, a visiting Bible college student shared the gospel with her. “While he was sharing, I felt a strong force inside me, and suddenly, in the presence of my relatives, I went on my knees and accepted Jesus. He prayed over me, and joy, peace, and heat began to overflow inside me like a flood,” Das said. 

This event sparked a passion for sharing her faith, and she soon began leading a youth group in her village. “So I got my first congregation,” Das said, laughing. The youth began to spend time meditating on God’s Word, fasting, singing, and praying, and “miracles of physical healing began to happen.”

Das’s early leadership was not without challenges. Her work aroused suspicion from her own mother and some older church members, and they asked Das not to gather the youth for prayer or Bible study. When the youth continued to meet at a different location, the Christian organization that was sponsoring Das’s college studies permanentaly suspended her scholarship. However, her determination led to the formation of a new church, which eventually grew to include many members from her community, including her parents.

An educational pioneer

Historically, few women in Bangladesh have pursued higher education. Das has sought to break that barrier, not only for herself but also for others. 

“I wanted to see Bangladeshi young girls admitted to Bible colleges, so I wrote letters to the leadership requesting them to help them pursue studies,” she said. 

Her own educational journey was full of obstacles, including visa issues and cultural expectations about marriage. Potential sponsors worried that if she went overseas to study, she would marry in that country and never return. To allay that concern, she agreed at age 20 to enter an arranged marriage with Dennis Das. Both of them then enrolled at Southern Asia Bible College (SABC) in Bangalore, India.

Jacob Cherian, a New Testament professor at SABC who taught the couple, called Martha Das an “engaged learner” whose “vibrant faith shone through.”

Upon returning to Bangladesh, the couple started a church near the Dhaka airport and initiated the formation of a slum school that grew to serve 180 children. In 2004, they earned MDiv degrees from Asia Pacific Theological Seminary in the Philippines. 

Martha Das’s career progression included serving as BAG’s national ministry coordinator for women, head of the translation department for the Bangladesh Bible Society, and manager of Christian commitment at World Vision, where she was responsible for arranging spiritual retreats.

New direction for NCFB

In March 2017, Das became general secretary at NCFB. The position had been vacant for two years. When Das wondered why NCFB would hire a female and not a male, the alliance explained that they recognized her competence and valued having “a female figure with motherly qualities to trust and lead.”

“There should be no difference of gender,” said Philip Adhikary, chairman of NCFB. “We found Martha to be a right choice for this position whereas many male leaders weren’t.” 

As she weighed whether to take the job, “God told me that he gave me good platforms and a lot of experience with different denominations and ethnic minorities,” Das said. “And if I do not step into this service, then who will? It also helped that I had the support of my husband and family.”

Demonstrating her leadership early on, Das persuaded denominational leaders to clear their outstanding dues and successfully raised sufficient funds for NCFB’s annual conference, challenging traditional expectations about women’s roles in organizational leadership.

As general secretary, Das said her primary mission is to foster unity not only among evangelicals but also within the wider Christian community and beyond, facilitating an effective witness of the gospel. When conflicts arise, Das steps in as a peacemaker and mediator. Her ecumenical influence extends further through her role as the secretary for the United Forum of Churches (UFCB), a collaborative platform that includes the NCFB, the Catholic Bishops’ Conference, and the National Council of Churches in Bangladesh.

Das’s influence also extends beyond religious circles. Among her noteworthy achievements, Das delivered a speech at a Christmas function hosted by former president of Bangladesh Abdul Hamid in 2022.

Das sees her position as an opportunity to inspire other women, especially younger ones, to step into positions of responsibility. Adhikary, the NCFB chairman, affirmed that “as a woman, she [Das] can reach many women to follow her lead.” 

As part of her effort to establish Christians’ credibility in Bangladesh, Das conducts programs with other faith leaders. The NCFB has also initiated dialogues to raise awareness around such issues as child protection, violence against women and children, and human rights, in partnership with World Vision Bangladesh and other organizations.

A determined leadership style

Das’s leadership style, which evangelical leaders say is characterized by humility, inclusivity, and strong faith, has received international appreciation. Grace Hee, executive director of the Asia Evangelical Alliance, called Das “a visionary leader with a righteous indignation. Despite limited resources, Martha identifies what needs to be done and pursues it with unwavering faith.”

Much of this was on display during the pandemic. When COVID-19 shut down houses of worship across the country, NCFB distributed relief to thousands of families through various denominations in several phases. Simultaneously, NCFB started various initiatives, including income-generation programs, to support hundreds of pastors who had been adversely affected by the lockdown

Along with leaders from UFCB, Das also spearheaded nationwide prayer initiatives while making theological and devotional resources available to the church at large. 

Das is “a warm-hearted person” who is “pastoral and with a passion for evangelism, mission, and social justice in Bangladesh,” said Godfrey Yogarajah, chairman of the Asia Evangelical Alliance, noting her theological astuteness and her commitment to equipping younger leaders for kingdom work.

The 54-year-old leader maintains an ambitious workload despite excruciating pain in her back, for which she has undergone two surgeries that have yet to eliminate the discomfort.

Das continues to push the NCFB to stretch its capacity. In one case last year, she proposed an evangelism program in an unreached district but was turned down. “So we prayed for an entire year, and this year they said yes,” she added.

Another big challenge is the uncertainty Bangladeshi churches are facing due to the political unrest in the country. After student protests last July turned violent, the prime minister, Sheikh Hasina, had to flee for her life in early August. While Islam is the official state religion of Bangladesh, activists—including some Christian leaders—continue to advocate for a more religiously pluralistic and inclusive national framework, seeking to protect the rights of religious minorities. 

A firm advocate for a secular state, Das emphasized that “everyone should have the right to live in peace and harmony and propagate and practice their own religion.” However, she does not always experience such security herself. If she does not cover her head when walking in public, strangers sometimes approach her and insist that she do so.

“Many believers, especially those who converted from a majority background, face persecution and threats,” said Das, who noted that the Christian minority lacks a voice in Bangladesh’s parliament.

Das also hopes to address the lack of theologically trained leadership in the churches of Bangladesh. 

Das is a “motivation for Asian women,” said Jyoti Bhattarai, a member of the Asia Evangelical Alliance Women’s Commission from Nepal. Bhattarai recalled that after their first meeting—which occurred after Das asked the predominantly male evangelical leadership in Nepal to introduce her to a Nepali female leader—“Martha called me many times to encourage and inspire me. It is only because of her that I am connected with the female leadership of Asia.”

Das reflected on the skepticism she encounters as a young woman occupying a high leadership position: “Some may even feel envious, though they don’t show it outwardly. I’ve come to understand that this isn’t their personal problem but rather a result of the culture they grew up in and the mindset they’ve developed.”

To navigate these cultural dynamics, Das has developed a nuanced approach. “I’ve learned to respect older leaders as I would my own parents,” she explained. “In that way, they treat me as if I were a younger family member rather than as a threatening authority figure. While the hierarchical mindset may never go away completely, I certainly do not expect them to put me on a pedestal. I maintain respect for their experience while fulfilling my role.”

Das’s husband, Dennis, who teaches at Gloria Theological Seminary in Dhaka, agreed that Bangladesh’s traditional social system “subjugated” women (under men) and that women had fewer opportunities than men, but he believes things have changed significantly.

“Women now receive free education, and gender discrimination is minimized in job settings through quotas for women in political leadership and through loans for women in business,” Dennis Das stated. “Churches are more in favor of encouraging female leadership due to their proactive involvement and greater participation.”

Das appreciates the progress. But she is still praying that more women will “help alongside men evangelizing the nation” and not be “left behind.” 

Additional reporting by Morgan Lee

The post From Village Girl to Evangelical Leader appeared first on Christianity Today.

At the top, though she identifies as a Christian, Democratic candidate and current vice president Kamala Harris is the daughter of Shyamala Gopalan, a Brahmin (the highest caste in Hinduism) immigrant from India. On the Republican side, Usha Vance, nee Chilukuri, wife of Donald Trump’s running mate JD Vance, is also from the Brahmin Hindu community. 

Nationally, five Indian Americans serve in Congress. Nearly 50 hold seats in state legislatures, the majority Hindu, though several are Sikh or Muslim. 

The growing presence of Hindu Americans in US politics is a relatively new development. Though Dalip Singh Saund became the first Indian American elected to Congress in 1957, the number of Indian Americans in politics only began to increase in the last decade. In September 2023, representative Shri Thanedar, a Democrat, launched the controversial Hindu, Buddhist, Sikh, and Jain American caucus. 

This swift rise in political participation and leadership is particularly striking given the community’s relatively small size. The population of Hindu Americans is about 2.5 million, or slightly less than 1 percent of the US population. The community’s influence transcends its headcount, largely because its overwhelmingly high socioeconomic status gives Hindu Americans the potential to make large contributions to political campaigns. In 2022, the median income for Indian American household was $145,000.

“There was always a Hindu vote, which was not recognized publicly,” Democratic strategist Ramesh Kapur toldThe Universal News Network in March, “but it is being recognized now.” 

But rather than celebrate the success of Indian Americans in US Politics, back in India, as Hindu nationalism continues to strengthen, many Christians are nervous about the political priorities of the largely Hindu contingency across the Pacific. Some worry that right-wing Indian groups will encourage the US to engage in India without holding the country accountable for religious freedom abuses against Muslims and Christians. 

Rajesh Sampath, a philosophy professor at Brandeis University and a former Hindu who converted to Catholicism, said he worried “about the uncritical acceptance of the Indian American rise.” Not questioning candidates’ positions on Hindutva, or Hindu nationalism, and ensuring that they are not under the influence of right-wing nationalism “could have adverse effects on civil rights, not only for Indian Christians in India but also in terms of race and equality here in the US.”

Hindu American power play

Hindu elected officials have served as both Democrats and Republicans and, in general, hold a number of perspectives on domestic policies. But their advocacy, or lack thereof when it comes to religious freedom of religious minorities in India, is what worries Indian and Indian American Christians. 

For instance, both Democrats and Republicans have approved millions in arms deals to India while stalling efforts to designate it as a Country of Particular Concern by the US State Department, explained Neal Christie, the executive director of the Federation of Indian American Christian Organization. 

(This designation is given to any country that the US government officially identifies as having systematic and severe violations of religious freedom, as defined by the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998.)

Meanwhile, in Congress, a resolution supporting Father Stan Swamy, a Jesuit priest who died in custody in 2022 while imprisoned under anti-terror laws and condemning the Indian government’s treatment of political prisoners, has not made it out of a committee since it was introduced in July. Christie attributes this hesitation to “many lawmakers’ vested economic interests in India and their fear of backlash from Hindu nationalists in their constituencies.”

“Politicians in the US, particularly Hindu ones, make a lot of noise when it comes to the attacks on Hindu temples in the US, but when it comes to the suffering of minorities in India, such as the demolition of churches in Manipur, we don’t see the same level of concern,” said Allen Brooks, a spokesman of the Assam Christian Forum. 

As American leaders have increasingly seen China as the biggest threat to America’s geopolitical future, many have warmed to India. To that end, both Democrats and Republicans “have cultivated significant ties with Hindu nationalists for geopolitical gains, prioritizing trade and industrial relationships in South Asia over the pressing issue of religious freedom for minorities,” said Sampath. 

Since first sending Narendra Modi into national office in 2014, supporters of Hindutva have exported their ideology overseas. In the US, Hindu American groups supporting Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and Vishva Hindu Parishad have aggressive political outreach strategies in the United States.

These organizations promote a worldview that largely aligns with portions of the Republican platform regarding nationalism, traditional values, and defense of cultural identity, said John Dayal, a veteran human rights activist and spokesman for the All India Catholic Union. Dayal believes these groups have helped Hindu Americans find political success in American politics.

“Their main role for the moment is exonerating Prime Minister Modi and cleansing his image as well as that of other polarizing leaders from the Hindu right wing.”  

Ron Adar / SOPA Images / AP Images

What is more concerning, according to Dayal, is the “power wielded by affluent upper-caste Indian Americans in both politics and the corporate sector.” If Indian CEOs of US companies adopted right-wing political ideologies, “the power they could exert would be alarming,” Dayal said. “The access that the Hindu right wing has to the corporate sector and to the politicians in America is a very dangerous thing.” 

The growing influence of Hindu American groups, as well as politicians, has also raised concerns about their potential impact on US foreign policy, particularly regarding religious freedom in India. 

Of particular concern has been the admiration and endorsement of Modi by the Hindu American politician Vivek Ramaswamy, who was one of the Republican presidential candidates. After terming Modi an “excellent” prime minister and an “outstanding leader” in July 2023, Ramaswamy repeated praises of Modi as recently as September 2024 and credited him for “restoring Indian national pride” while making no mention of the abysmal human and minority rights record under Modi that critics repeatedly raise. 

Christie questions how Hindu American legislators can align with values like tolerance, respect, and fairness if they legitimize a nationalist or exclusionary agenda in India.

Dayal shares similar concerns about both Hindu American politicians and Hindu groups in the US like the Hindu America Foundation, who has been accused of lobbying on behalf of the Indian government and having a relationship with far right organizations. 

“When Hindutva, Modi, or the Sangh Parivar [family of Hindutva organizations] come under scrutiny in America, through reports of the USCIRF or through the work of advocacy groups, Hindu outfits like Hindu America Foundation (HAF), which have close ties with many Hindu American politicians, sanitize their sinister deeds, demonize the source of the scrutiny, and let extreme right NRIs [non-resident Indians] emerge as spokespeople for the community in the US.”

A recent report released by the Political Research Associates accuses the HAF of showing two different faces. While presenting itself publicly as a mainstream civil rights organization in American society, it has simultaneously opposed protections against caste discrimination, expressed prejudice against Muslims, and shown clear support for Modi’s BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party). Through this dual approach, the report states, HAF has been able to introduce these ideas into American institutional spaces where they previously would not have been welcome or taken seriously.

These groups, like HAF, “capitalize [use it for their advantage] on fears of radical Muslims,” says Christie, which he sees as “stereotypical and racist.” They also perpetuate negative portrayals of Indian Christians as “Rice Christians,” accusing them of forced conversions and spreading harmful stereotypes. 

(“Rice Christians” or “Rice Bag” is a slur used against Christians in India alleging that they converted to Christianity for a bag of rice.)

The shifting Indian vote

In the 2020 election, 74 percent of Indian Americans voted, making them among the most politically engaged communities of all US ethnic groups. Traditionally a Democratic-leaning community, Indian Americans are beginning to show signs of political realignment. According to a 2023 Pew Research study, while 68 percent identify with or lean toward the Democratic Party, an emerging 29 percent now identifies as Republican—a trend that has caught the attention of both sides of the aisle. 

The biannual Asian American Voter Survey released in July 2024 showed that the number of Indian Americans planning to vote for Joe Biden dropped almost 20 points—from 65 percent in 2020 to 46 percent in 2024. While the survey didn’t ask respondents if they would vote for Harris, it did find that 54 percent of Indian American voters said they had a somewhat favorable or very favorable impression of the vice president.

Some Hindu Americans who felt that Harris’s positions on religious freedom, India-US relations, and minority rights were not in their best interests have criticized Harris’s (and Biden’s) policies and politics. A section of Hindu American voters also has misgivings that she “failed to connect with them in her previous campaigns for president and vice president.” Hindu right-wing publications have clearly rejected her identity as an Indian or a Hindu in the past, and she has been accused of not trying hard enough to reach out to mainstream Hindu organizations.

Political scientist Sangay Mishra notes that Hindu Americans are increasingly framing their political choices around support for India, viewing Democratic criticism of India’s policies as hostile to Hindu interests. This sentiment is echoed by activists like Utsav Sanduja, who launched the Hindus for America First PAC, arguing that “the Hindu voice, unfortunately, has been kind of hijacked by woke elements” and that Democratic “human rights lectures” risk alienating India from America.

A group of Hindu donors has also been pushing the Biden-Harris campaign to include a dedicated “Hindu page” in its 2024 manifesto, similar to sections included in earlier campaigns tailored to Muslim, Jewish, and African American voters. 

On the Republican side, candidates like Ohio state lawmaker Niraj Antani have been proactive in highlighting their Hindu faith, presenting themselves as protectors of religious freedom and traditional values. Antani, in campaign messaging, frequently references his Hindu identity, perhaps most recently by praising the opening of the Ram temple in Ayodhya, India, a common nationalist Hindu refrain. 

Diaspora’s divided voice

Last year, Modi met with Biden several weeks after more than 200 Christians died due to violence in the Indian state of Manipur. Indian Americans and several civil rights and interfaith leaders protested these attacks, as well as the Indian government’s increased restrictions on the press and civil society, in front of the White House. 

After a video of a mob celebrating a sexual assault in Manipur went viral, Indian Americans and Indian expats took to the streets in cities in six American states, and more than 700 Indian Christians prayed for peace and justice in front of the UN. 

The Indian Christian diaspora in the US could play a significant role in the complex political landscape surrounding religious freedom, but “because the Indian Christian diaspora is diverse ethnically and socio-economically and has not come to a common consensus on its commitment to human rights in the US and globally, they stay very quiet,” Christie said. He noted that many in this community stay quiet out of fear for their financial stability, property, the safety of their families, and worries about losing their Indian citizenship.

“Indian American Christians are a minority within the minority,” Sampath said. “You’re caught between these worlds, trying to survive as an Indian Christian minority within the larger Indian diaspora.”

Christie believes that Indian American Christians have a responsibility to advocate for more than just their own interests. 

“If we benefit Muslims, Christians will benefit,” he said. “If we benefit Christians, Muslims and Hindus will benefit. Human rights is not a zero-sum game.” 

The post Indian Christians Worry About Indian American Political Success appeared first on Christianity Today.

September 30, 2024

Tattoos, ‘Shrek,’ and the End of Life on Earth

Does the world seem crazy because we’re in an unusually tense time? Or is this just … life? Maybe it’s a little bit of both.  On this episode, Bible teacher…

When I Opened My Bible, God Gave Me a Magnifying Glass

Fasting Is A Good Thing. But For Some of Us, It’s Complicated.

More Christians Are Watching Porn, But Fewer Think It’s a Problem

The post CT Women 10.1.24 appeared first on Christianity Today.

October 31, 2024

Candidates Break Out Faith References ‘For Such a Time as This’

The Christians Trying to Restore Our Faith in Elections

The Antidote to Election Anxiety

How Not to Vote for Barabbas

Christ and a Coin-Toss Race

Stop. Look. Listen. | Voting Third Party

Stop. Look. Listen. | Voting Democrat

Stop. Look. Listen. | Voting Republican

PAID CONTENT FOR FOOD FOR THE POOR

“Teach Them to Thrive.” How Local Innovation Fights Poverty.

Your support builds futures. Partner with Food For The Poor today and help create sustainable solutions for families in need. We’ve all heard the saying, “Give a man a fish,…

Read more

Steven Curtis Chapman Joins Country Music Royalty

The Christian music star is the first in the industry to become a member of the Grand Ole Opry.

The Scandal of the Evangelical Heart

The love of many Christians has grown cold. How can we reorder our desires and affections?

A Vision for Screen-Free Church

Too many of our worship services are indistinguishable from secular spaces. Church can and should be different. 

Biblical Beasts and Where to Find Them

What do scriptural accounts of monstrous beings like Leviathan and Behemoth tell us about our experience of the sacred?

The post The Weekend – 11-2-24 appeared first on Christianity Today.

In mid-July, student-led protests demanding reform of the country’s job quota system turned violent, culminating in the collapse of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s government on August 5. After Hasina’s resignation, the anger aimed at her government poured onto religious minorities, especially Hindus and members of Hasina’s party, the secular Awami League, which is backed by much of the Hindu community. Furthermore, mobs targeted Christian homes and churches, and Christian converts from Islam reported death threats.

The attacks on minorities’ homes, places of worship, businesses, and lives, as well as Awami League politicians, have resulted in the death of at least 650 people since the violence began, according to a report by the United Nations Human Rights Commission. 

The Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council (BHBCUC), a human rights organization, argues that enshrining Islam as the state religion has been detrimental to the country’s religious minorities and aspirations for greater democratic rule.

“According to the communalist and fundamentalist forces, Islam does not coexist with other religious faiths and beliefs and also contradicts democracy, in which they have no belief,” said Monindra Kumar Nath, the council’s joint general secretary.

Nirmal Rozario, president of the Bangladesh Christian Association (BCA) and the Christian co-president of the BHBCUC, said that the Christian community has advocated strongly for a secular country. The BCA presented 10 demands to the previous government in 2016 and “‘secularism’ has always been on the list,” Rozario told CT.

The council said earlier this month that there were 1,045 cases of human rights violations against religious minorities between June and August. Council members, including Nath, have received death threats for their activism. Nath called the reestablishment of “a discrimination-free state” a dream “dreamt by the recent student movement,” and one the BHBCUC will keep fighting for.

Six churches were seriously attacked during these two months, including the Naogaon Church of Bangladesh, Rangpur Isse Church (which serves Muslim converts), Chapai Lutheran Church, and two Pentecostal Church of Bangladesh congregations, Bony Baroi, the executive director at Bangladesh Social Service (BSS) and senior pastor at Bangladesh Evangelical Revival Church, confirmed to CT.

The house of a Muslim-background pastor was ransacked and looted by a fundamentalist Islamic group, a source who asked to remain anonymous for security reasons told CT.

“He was instrumental in bringing several people to Christ and runs eight house churches. He was translating the Bible into their native language for the believers, but all his translation work was burnt by the mob that attacked him,” said the source. “All his belongings, including chickens and ducks, were looted and his house and furniture were broken.”

A Catholic priest told La Croix that small churches and Christian villages were attacked during the riots.

The BHBCUC, an interethnic and interreligious forum, was established by Maj. Gen. C.R. Dutta Bir Uttam, a veteran of Bangladesh’s guerrilla war for independence from Pakistan that occurred in 1971 and was fought by people of different faiths, including Muslims, Christians, Buddhists, and Hindus.

After the war, in 1972, architects of Bangladesh’s constitution included secularism alongside nationalism, socialism, and democracy as the country’s four founding principles. But a few years later, the first president, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, known as the “father of the nation” and Hasina’s actual father, was overthrown and a military ruler, Ziaur Rahman, replaced secularism with “absolute trust and faith in the Almighty Allah.” His successor Hussain Muhammad Ershad, another military officer, officially made Islam the state religion through a change to the constitution.

Activists have since demanded the removal of this establishment of a state religion, but despite Ershad’s fall in 1990, successive governments have kept the status quo, including those led by the Awami League. In 2011, a constitutional reform restored the original four founding principles, including secularism, but Hasina and others’ conception of secularism included a state Islam that would also guarantee religious freedom. 

Under this system, religious minority leaders say they face discrimination and many hurdles that prevent them from practicing their faith freely. They feel strongly that democratic states should be secular states.

“The Christian community of Bangladesh dreams of living in a peaceful, prosperous, secular state where churches can worship openly and freely, public holidays will be available on special religious festivals and religious activities will not face any harassment or obstruction,” Jenny Moushumi Adhikary, Women and Children Coordinator of Talitha Koumi, an evangelical ministry in Bangladesh, told CT. “If we show respect and honor to people of all creeds, we can expect the same respect from the country and government.”

During this season of political unrest, Christians from all denominations have met at the Catholic archbishop’s house to regularly meet and pray for “peace, protection, wisdom and social justice to be established,” said Baroi.

This community is currently forming a Christian team that will seek to visit the interim government’s Chief Adviser, Mohammad Yunus, to discuss issues such as the “protection of minorities, Christian development organizations and the situation of the religious institutions,” Baroi said. This group intends to lobby alongside the BHBCUC in their efforts to make Bangladesh a secular state.

“The Christian community has always shown solidarity and stood by the BHBCUC—whether through demonstrations, human chains or demands,” said Rozario.

Last September, the BHBCUC launched a hunger strike to hold the Awami League to its election promises, which included proposing legislation that would allow Hindus to reclaim confiscated property, the creation of a national minority commission, protection for religious minorities, and the reinstatement of employment quotas that would distribute government jobs more equally across faiths.

The Bangladesh Youth Unity Council, a student-led organization, wants the international community to remind the interim government of its obligation to protect its citizens, irrespective of religion and ethnic identity.

“Whoever comes to power should establish a minorities commission and a ministry for religious and ethnic minorities,” said the youth council’s secretary, who requested anonymity out of concern for his safety. “They should give land rights to everyone and there should be a special tribunal to protect religious minorities.”

Communications laws, such as the Digital Security Act, are used to single out members of minority faiths, especially Hindus, for “offending the religious sentiments” of the Muslim majority. Courts have also imposed stricter penalties on religious minorities accused of posting offensive content on Facebook.

“The Christian community does not feel the freedom to express themselves on social media platforms out of fear of repercussions,” Rozario noted.

The Youth Unity Council’s secretary added that after Hasina fled earlier this month, the movement to remove Islam as the state religion in Bangladesh is at square one. “The mob rule on the streets right now has made it clear that they don’t want religious minorities in Bangladesh,” he said. “They want only one single religion, which is Islam.”

The international community, including the United Nations and the US State Department, has called for the protection of minorities in Bangladesh. 

“We have made it clear that our goal is to ensure that the recent violence in Bangladesh is de-escalated. We are firmly against any racially driven attacks or incitement to such violence,” said Farhan Haq, the deputy spokesperson for United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres, in an August 8 statement.

Michael Kugelman, director of the South Asia Institute at the Wilson Center in Washington, said removing Islam as a state religion would significantly improve the interim government’s relationship with India, which has called on Bangladesh to protect its religious minorities in hopes of preventing Hindu refugees from coming across the border.

But Kugelman cautioned that dropping Islam’s favored status is not a simple fix, and he does not foresee it happening.

“Simply removing Islam as a state religion would not mean that influential religious and particularly Islamist actors would go away,” he added. “On the contrary, they would become more emboldened.”

While “some are demanding to rewrite the constitution,” the Chief Adviser does not have the power to do so and a constitutional change can only “be done by an elected government,” emphasized Asa Kain, the superintendent of the Bangladesh Assemblies of God denomination.

Rozario of the BHBCUC explained that their organization submitted seven demands to then–Prime Minister Hasina in 2023, “which included the demand for a secular Bangladesh. We had expectations from her, but our demands were not considered. Our demands and stance remain the same with regard to the future government.”

Yunus, who is also a Nobel laureate, recently showed support for minorities by visiting Dhakeshwari Temple, a prominent state-owned Hindu site in Dhaka considered the country’s national temple.

He urged Bangladeshis to be patient before assessing his government’s performance, according to local media. 

“In our democratic aspirations, we should not be seen as Muslims, Hindus, or Buddhists, but as human beings,” Yunus said, according to The Daily Star, the largest English-language daily newspaper in Bangladesh. “Our rights should be ensured. The root of all problems lies in the decay of institutional arrangements. That is why such issues arise. Institutional arrangements need to be fixed.”

The post Bangladeshi Christians and Hindus Advocate for a Secular Country appeared first on Christianity Today.

While tensions over property rights and economic interests have existed between the state’s ethnic groups for decades, local leaders told CT that church burnings are the result of the growth of Hindu nationalism among the dominant Meite community.

The chief minister of Manipur, N. Biren Singh, described the situation as a “prevailing misunderstanding between two communities” and said that his government was committed to protecting “the lives and property of all our people.”

“We should not allow the culture of communal harmony in the state to be disturbed by vested interests,” Singh said, adding that he also intended to address the community’s “long-term grievances.”

Manipur borders Myanmar and is home to a diverse range of ethnic groups, including Meiteis, who are a numerical majority in the state and are predominantly Hindu, and various tribal communities, who are largely Christian.

Primarily based in Imphal Valley, a region which includes Manipur’s capital, the Meiteis have long dominated the state's political and economic landscape. Meanwhile, tribal communities make up around a third of the population (35.4%) and are mainly concentrated in the hills surrounding the valley, 90 percent of the state’s geographical area.

For decades, the issue of land ownership and control has been a source of conflict between the two groups. But in recent years, these tensions have been exacerbated by the political influence of the Hindu nationalist organizations Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which have sought to promote their faith as the dominant religion in India and have used the Meitei community to advance their political agenda in the state.

This month’s violence came weeks after the Manipur High Court ordered the state government to respond to the Meitei community’s request for Scheduled Tribe status. The designation gives communities special constitutionally backed protections including reserved seats in the parliament and state legislatures, affirmative action in education and employment, and property protections.

But believing that this categorization would dilute their own protections and political representation, Manipur tribal groups have long fought this change.

While area leaders believe that the violence was largely a reaction to this political decision, they see its viciousness and severity, particularly the attack on churches, as the growth of the influence of BJP and the RSS. Radical Hindu ideology historically has struggled to find a foothold in Manipur, because of its mix of tribal, Hindu, Christian, and Muslim communities.

Christian leaders from the area told CT that they believed this violence was religiously motivated.

“In this pogrom, the Hindu Meiteis not only burned down churches belonging to tribals but also churches that exclusively belong to Meitei Christians,” said Ngaineilam Haokip, an academic at university in Kolkata, who grew up in Manipur. “They targeted their own brethren who follow Christ by burning their churches.”

“If this is not a pogrom, what is? They are burning churches when the protest rally was simply against the inclusion of Meiteis as Scheduled Tribe by All Tribal Student Union Manipur (ATSUM). There is definitely a religious angle here,” said a Christian leader in the area, who for security reasons asked to be identified by the name Lien.

After the BJP came to power in 2017, it sought to create a Hindu nationalist identity for the Meitei community. This encouragement to see themselves as part of the Hindu fold has come even as nearly 10 percent of the community practice an indigenous religion known as Sanamahism.

After the court’s April 19 directive, the state government was given a four-week deadline to review the Meitei community’s request and make a recommendation to the federal government for its consideration.

On Wednesday, thousands of people across the state, the majority Christians, gathered locally to protest the Meitei’s demand. Although the event ended peacefully in several districts, there were reports of arson, vandalism, and confrontations in other areas.

In the district of Churachandpur, one unidentified group set fire to a famous war memorial. Infuriated by this arson, there was a clash among locals, resulting in the destruction of homes and forcing hundreds of residents to seek refuge in nearby forests. Retaliatory attacks by local youths targeted Meitei neighborhoods in Churachandpur, and the violence caused two deaths and injured 11. Some reports alleged attackers carried sophisticated weaponry.

In response, groups of people targeted several tribal neighborhoods in the capital city of Imphal. Residents told The Wire that mobs burned down 23 houses and injured 19 residents.

One victim of the attacks was a tribal legislative assembly representative who sustained severe head injuries and is currently in critical condition.

“Tribals were not prepared for a war. They were holding peace rallies against the demand for Scheduled Tribe status by Meiteis. The Meiteis on the other hand, were planning for this kind of confrontation for a long time, it seems. They collected gun licenses and guns and then lit the fire,” Haokip said.

In the wake of the violence, the government has imposed a curfew and suspended internet access. The severity of the situation has led the Indian government to deploy military to the affected areas and authorize it to use lethal force in “extreme cases” in addressing the increasing violence. The federal government has additionally invoked Article 355, giving it authority over the state of Manipur. More than 7,500 people have been evacuated to safer places.

As of the evening of May 4, interpersonal violence has abated, although some residents have reported burning buildings and church vandalism.

The Evangelical Fellowship of India expressed sadness and concern over the violence, though it did not link the event to religious extremism or suggest that Christians had been targeted because of their faith.

“We call upon all parties involved to exercise restraint and work towards a peaceful resolution of the issues. We urge the people of Manipur to avoid forces that instigate division and cause polarization,” said Vijayesh Lal, the general secretary of the Evangelical Fellowship of India in a statement. “We also appeal to the state and the union government to engage in constructive dialogue with all stakeholders to address the underlying causes of the conflict.”

The North East Students Society of Delhi University, a group that represents the Christian tribal community, condemned what they described a “division along the lines of religious faith and communal identity fueled by political propaganda.” Representing a similar constituency, the Naga Students Union Delhi urged the government to “address the underlying issues that have led to these events by wider consultation with the various stakeholders.”

22,000 Indian Christians Peacefully Protest Rising Persecution at Historic Delhi Gathering

Surinder Kaur in Delhi

Recant or Leave: Mobs Expel Christians in Central India

Surinder Kaur

The post Mobs Kill 6, Burn Down 25 Churches in Northeastern India appeared first on Christianity Today.

By 2050, 4.8 million Hindus will live in the US—making it home to the world’s fifth-largest Hindu population, according to projections by Pew Research Center. North America’s Hindu community is set to grow by 160 percent, 6 times faster than the region’s overall population.

The traditional missionary paradigm of reaching the poor and marginalized doesn’t reflect today’s reality of the Hindu diaspora. Many Hindu immigrants arrive with advanced degrees, successful careers, and deep cultural roots. This shift presents both opportunities and challenges for Western churches, many of which have limited experience engaging with Hindu communities.

“It is time for us to think of the Hindu Diaspora differently,” wrote Ashok Kumar, coeditor of the newly released book Sharing Jesus with Hindus: Global Witness to Hindu Diaspora. “We need to disciple and mobilize Christians globally to engage the Hindu Diaspora for a credible and sustained Christian witness.”

The book brings together the voices of experienced ministry leaders and cross-cultural practitioners from around the world, including several from Hindu backgrounds. These leaders offer insights on building meaningful relationships while respecting cultural sensitivities, interfaith dialogue, pastoral issues, and contextualized worship.

CT reached out to six contributors of Sharing Jesus with Hindus living in India and abroad and asked them to explain the dos and don’ts of engaging Hindus. Under their names we listed the title of the chapter they wrote in the book. Answers have been edited and shortened for clarity.

P. T. Subrahmanyan

Faculty, India Bible College and Seminary, India

“Dealing with Family after Conversion”

Religious conversion from Hinduism to Christianity in India often leads to three main challenges. First, converts face family rejection, as Hindu families may disown them, viewing their conversion as a rejection of family values and tradition. Second, new believers face social stigma, especially in rural areas. Urban areas tend to be somewhat more tolerant.

Finally, converts face cultural isolation as they become disconnected from their Hindu cultural roots. As their participation shifts to church activities, they lose connection with Hindu community events and festivals, leading to the community labeling them “outsiders.”

Many churches around the world desire new members but are rarely concerned about the complexities of conversion and the challenges that a new believer faces. Converts of Hinduism struggle with a complex dual identity, as they deal with both their old Hindu world as well as their new Christian world. The transition is not smooth or quick; often, this process can take several months or even several years.

Anil Yesudas

Pastor, Gyan Ratna Mandir, US

“Christocentric Satsang: Contextualized Worship for Hindus”

Christians should make genuine, lifelong friendships with their Hindu neighbors. We should continue the friendships even if our neighbors seem to reject Lord Shri Jesus (Shri is a title of respect). There are certain seasons of life when they may be more open for spiritual conversation. We cannot give the message of eternal salvation while at the same time not having time to live our lives with our Hindu friends.

Unlike Westerners, Hindus are open to prayer because culturally they are spiritually minded. As the Spirit leads, ask if they would want you to pray for them. These prayers should be done privately. Keep prayers short and avoid preaching to them during the prayer.

Use vocabulary that is familiar and understandable to Hindus. Do not use words that are only understood within Christian circles.

The Bible speaks of a personal God and a personal salvation. To those who have not yet surrendered their life to Lord Shri Jesus, we cannot communicate a personal God through impersonal modes of communication. Face-to-face communication must be the primary mode to transmit biblical information. Print media must be secondary. Do not impersonally mass-distribute the Bible but do use opportunities to gift a Bible in the context of genuine friendships.

In general, Hindus are oral-aural people, whereas the Western culture is typographic. The best way to communicate to Hindus is by personal impartation of information through storytelling, proverbs, poetry, drama, dance, and other forms of arts in the context of worship and celebration.

Do not be in a hurry to communicate. Two thousand years ago, Jesus said that he is coming “soon.” So, we should have an intergenerational approach to communication. You might share the gospel with a family, and the parents might not believe during their lifetime, but their children might show receptiveness.

Kamesh Sankaran

Professor, Whitworth University, US

“Ministering to Hindu Students in Western Universities”

Most international students from India, as well as second-generation Indian Americans at Western universities, have a Hindu background. These students have very little knowledge of Jesus or the gospel.

Christians engaging with this audience should be cognizant of two challenges. First, we must see how cultural Christianity in Western culture obfuscates the gospel by replacing relationship with Christ with rituals, replacing the grace of God with morality, replacing spirituality with societal norms, and replacing the costly gospel with comfort. Owning these misrepresentations is necessary for us to accurately represent Christ.

Second, we must know how Hindu theology shapes the minds and hearts of its followers. In addition to the perceived threat to one’s culture, Hindus have a built-in resistance to consider alternative theological ideas out of fear of losing their religious heritage. Yet given the complexity of Hindu theology and the enormous variations in the practice of Hinduism, it is best to hold these insights on Hindu theology and beliefs loosely and to hold on to God’s call to make disciples tightly.

Atul Y. Aghamkar

Director, National Center for Urban Transformation, India

“Witnessing to the Hindu Diaspora in North America”

Hindus are not a homogenous group but are divided into several castes, regions, languages, and socioeconomic levels. Most Hindus in the US comprise the upper and middle caste segments, and many are in high positions in various professions.

Most Hindus are quite strongly bound to their family, caste, and community. They are also conscious of their shame and honor culture. Therefore, approaching them as a family or community unit is the best way to reach them, as witnessing to individuals is often perceived as breaking up the family.

Introducing Hindus to Jesus, his unique teachings, and his miraculous powers is more convincing than preaching alone. Great leaders like Mohandas “Mahatma” Gandhi, Vinoba Bhave (Indian philosopher), and Swami Vivekananda (Indian monk and philosopher) were also very attracted to selective teachings of Jesus Christ but did not believe. Meanwhile when a person experiences Jesus’ healing personally, they are more likely to be attached to the person of Jesus Christ.

There are certain things that Christians should not do when reaching out to Hindus. Direct evangelism is often looked down upon by most Hindus. Instead, Christians can arrange public meetings to discuss global, Indian, and local matters and can invite prominent Indian leaders and Christian thinkers to share their views. This may open doors for deeper engagement with the Hindu community.

Don’t invite any interested Hindu to a church service initially, as Hindus perceive church as Christian turf and normally avoid it. Moreover, most church services are meant for Christians and do not make sense to them. Instead, Christians can organize community events like food festivals and Indian music concerts in neutral places like parks, hotels, and even the courtyards of homes.

Mark E. Sudhir

Missionary and church planter among the Hindu Sindhi and Sikh Punjabi people groups, Philippines

“Ministry among the Indian Diaspora in the Philippines”

Hindus in the Philippines are categorized in three different groups. The first one includes those who have been here in the Philippines since World War II and the partition of India. They are very few in number now. The second group includes the second-, third-, and fourth-generation descendants of those families, who were born and brought up here and think like Filipinos. The third category of Hindus consists of those who have come here in the past five to ten years.

Though these three categories are different in their lifestyles, Christians should take the same steps to engage with them to bring the gospel. It’s essential to respect their beliefs and culture, pray for and with them (if they’re comfortable), and care for them as challenges arise in their life.

We witness about Christ through the way we live our lives and by sharing our testimonies without disparaging their beliefs. It’s also important to emphasize to Hindus the unique forgiveness found in Jesus and to present Jesus as the creator God, sovereign over everything in creation. This establishes Jesus’ unique authority and identity beyond being just another spiritual teacher or divine manifestation.

At the same time, while talking with Hindus, Christians should remember not to make comparisons between the two religions or to rush Hindus to decide to accept Jesus.

It’s better not to inquire about their caste, as that might send the wrong message that Christians are interested in caste hierarchy. Practically, Christians should serve vegetarian food when hosting them and should avoid eating meat in their presence. Most important, Christians should never enter their homes or temples without spiritual preparation.

Krishna Ramsundar

Adjunct professor, Pentecostal Theological Seminary, US

“Ministry among Hindus in the Caribbean”

Between 1838 and 1924, more than half a million Indians arrived in the Caribbean as indentured laborers, primarily settling in Guyana, Trinidad and Tobago, and Jamaica. They brought with them their Hindu traditions, creating vibrant communities that adapted to their new homes while maintaining aspects of their cultural heritage.

The story in Joshua 4:14–24 provides a model for evangelism with Caribbean Hindus. Meaningful experiences can serve as natural bridges for sharing the gospel message. Just as the Israelites used the stones from the Jordan River as a conversation starter to tell future generations about God’s faithfulness, personal testimonies can create opportunities to discuss spiritual truths with those who don’t yet follow Christ.

In Caribbean Hindu communities, supernatural experiences often create pathways for sharing the Christian message. Just as Jesus’ miracles were intended to reveal God’s nature and authority, contemporary miraculous events can guide people toward the Christian faith. Large evangelistic gatherings are particularly impactful when they include demonstrations of divine power, such as healing, deliverance, and other supernatural occurrences. These manifestations serve to illustrate God’s desire for a personal relationship with individuals through salvation.

While ministering to the Hindus in the Caribbean, it is important not to come across as proselytizers. Don’t approach nonbelievers with a superiority complex or judgmental attitude. Leading with messages about someone’s “lostness” or need for salvation can be perceived as arrogant and condescending, making genuine connection impossible.

Christians also shouldn’t get drawn into religious debates and confrontations. Heated theological arguments about religious beliefs typically generate more heat than light, leaving both parties frustrated and further apart rather than building understanding or strengthening relationships.

The post The Traditional Missionary Model Doesn’t Fit Today’s Hindu Diaspora appeared first on Christianity Today.

Each winter, Sikhs and Hindus across India and around the world thank their gods for a fruitful winter harvest during the Punjabi festival of Lohri. Like on Halloween, children go door to door singing folk songs and demanding lohri or “loot.” In return, neighbors give out money or snacks like sesame sweets, jaggery, popcorn, puffed rice, and peanuts. Because the date of the holiday follows the Vikrami (an ancient Hindu) calendar, Lohri falls on either January 13 or 14.

The night of Lohri, family, friends, and relatives gather around a bonfire dressed up in traditional Punjabi attire and make offerings to a fire god with a small portion of the children’s loot. The party walks around the fire together, throwing sesame snacks into the blaze and praying aloud in Punjabi, “Aadar aye dilather jaye (May honor come and poverty vanish)” and “Til sade, paap sade/jhade (As the sesame burns, thus may our sins burn/fall off).” The celebration ends by eating a traditional holiday meal, performing folk dances, and singing folk songs.

Sikhism was founded around 1500 by Guru Nanak (1469–1539) and nine subsequent gurus developed the community and the Sikh faith. Guru Arjan, the fifth in line, compiled the Adi Granth, which is the first authorized book of Sikh scripture. Sikhs believe there is only one god, genderless and eternal, and refer to this god as Waheguru (wonderful teacher). Sikhs also believe in rebirth and karma.

Those who do not serve the True Guru [God] and who do not contemplate the Word of the Shabad [Sikh scriptures]—spiritual wisdom does not enter into their hearts; they are like dead bodies in the world. They go through the cycle of 8.4 million reincarnations, and they are ruined through death and rebirth.

Guru Granth Sahib 88

Sikhs make up 1.7 percent of India’s 1.4 billion population, and they are spread out all over India, with the highest percentages located in Punjab, Chandigarh, Haryana, and other nearby regions. Outside India, the Sikh community has a significant presence in the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, Australia, and Malaysia .

Do beliefs about sin and forgiveness overlap for Sikhs and Christians? Christianity Today’s South Asian correspondent spoke with a Sikh leader about his understanding of sin according to their faith’s scriptures and how best to understand the “May our sins burn/fall off” prayer.

CT also spoke with three Punjabi-background pastors, two of which were born Sikh before converting to Christianity. All three have celebrated Lohri at some point in their lives, and they explained how their experience of sin in the Sikh world corresponds to the Christian understanding of the concept.

Devinder Pal Singh, director, Center for Understanding Sikhism, Mississauga, Ontario, Canada

In my opinion, the Punjabi expression Til sade, paap sade/jhade (“As the sesame burns, thus may our sins burn/fall off”) is only wishful thinking rooted in cultural ethos. It has no relation with classical understanding of Sikhism. For that matter, even Lohri has no roots in Sikhism since Sikhs do not worship the sun or fire. Instead, Lohri is generally celebrated by Sikhs predominantly because of its strong connection to Punjabi culture.

In Sikhism, all sins are considered rooted in one’s ego and evil impulses and desires. Sikhism considers a sin [to be] any deliberate noncompliance with hukam, the Punjabi word for “God’s law,” or defiance of the moral law.

Sins can only be atoned for by meditating on God and seeking union with him. According to the founder of Sikhism, Guru Nanak Dev, “When one’s intellect is polluted or sullied by sin, it can only be purified by the Love of God.”

Early Sikh sources do not say anything about other forms of expiation (atonement) that the sinner or offender might have to undergo in the society to which he belonged. The concept of expiation continued to evolve throughout Sikh history and [was] first codified by Guru Gobind Singh Ji, the tenth Sikh guru, for his Khālsā (the religious order of warriors he initiated.)

This code was revised in the 18th and 20th centuries and today is mainly focused on the individual and the various ways in which the person must behave to be a good, non-sinning Sikh.

In Sikhism, expiation is summarily dealt with in the community and must involve service (sevā) to it.

The exceptions are the four major sins: hukka (smoking tobacco and using all other intoxicants), hajamat (removing hair), halalo (eating meat), and haram (adultery and sexual relationships outside marriage). Violations of these may necessitate re-initiation to the community for the offender.

Richard Howell, PhD (theology) and principal of Caleb Institute, Delhi. He was born and brought up in Punjab and spent a significant part of his life preaching the gospel there.

Sikhism defines karma as the sum of a person’s good and bad actions in this and previous states of existence that affects a person’s future. It is not a “vertical” relationship, so the sin of a person is not against a holy God, but is “horizontal” in that it concerns other people and yourself. Hence, there are consequences. Karma determines what happens to that individual’s soul in the next life, whether they go up the ladder or down. In order to progress in transmigration (the passing of a person’s soul from one body to another after death), one’s good deeds must outweigh the bad deeds.

The Lohri tradition of revolving around the fire and speaking the words “Til sade, paap sade/jhade” can point to the evidence of the presence of guilt. Burning sesame snacks in the fire can be, on one hand, a symbolic expression of confession and realization that you have done something wrong but, on the other, can simply be an act of increasing one’s good deeds.

In Christianity, sin is not merely understood as ignorance but also that people are guilty before a holy God. People have disobeyed him and declared their independence from him. That is sin, and it results in separation from the life of God because of disobedience.

Jesus brings us back in harmony with God, and it starts with his incarnation when divinity united humanity. Our confession reunites us with God because of the sacrifice of Jesus Christ. We experience forgiveness because of the grace of God.

Jitender Jeet Singh, former Sikh priest and former national evangelist for Ambassadors for Christ, Haryana

Throwing the sesame sweets in the fire represents the sins an individual has committed throughout the year, and they get rid of them. This act is performed year after year and will continue for a lifetime.

Not so with those who place their faith in Christ Jesus. Christ has taken our sins upon himself and has set us free “once and for all.” There is no redoing again and again, every year. Christ gives every individual a volitional right. If we want to get rid of our sins, we will have to choose to approach Christ. And this is only once. It does not need to be repeated. There is no compulsion, and if we choose otherwise, we carry the burden of our sins to eternity.

Santar Singh, senior pastor, Khush Khabri Fellowship, Singapore. Born Sikh, he later became a Christian and studied at the Assemblies of God Bible College in Singapore. His church includes a service exclusively for Punjabis.

The Sikh understanding of sin is very different from the Christian understanding of sin. Sikhs don’t believe that they have inherited sin, unlike Christians who believe that they are born in sin and spiritually dead. Sikhs don’t believe that their nature is sinful; they believe that their acts make them sinners. In Christianity, a man is not a sinner because he sins; he sins because he is a sinner. What is inside a person manifests on the outside.

Guru Nanak Dev Ji, the first guru out of the ten Sikh gurus and founder of Sikhism, formalized the three pillars (or duties) that help followers earn salvation: Naam Japo (meditation on God and reciting and chanting of God’s name), Kirat Karo (hard work and honesty), and Vaṇḍ Chakkō (sharing and consuming food and wealth together).

Christians believe what is written in Ephesians 2:8–9: “For it is by grace you have been saved, through faith—and this is not from yourselves, it is the gift of God—not by works, so that no one can boast.” We do not believe in works; we believe in the grace of God and our faith in the work of Christ.

What South Asian Christians Do During Diwali

Surinder Kaur

The post Throwing Sesame Seeds and Burning Off Sins appeared first on Christianity Today.

This was a clear departure from political convention, and the ensuing debate focused on the need for a name change as well as the possible cost. The constitution of India, meanwhile, contains both names and uses them interchangeably.

While the opposition criticized the administration of prime minister Narendra Modi, leaders of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) welcomed the presumptive move, with some declaring the name change as necessary to “come out of the colonial mindset,” saying that those opposing it “are free to leave the country.”

The possible adoption of the term Bharat over India closely aligns with the inclinations of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the mother organization of Modi’s BJP. Founders of both the RSS and BJP advocated for a stringent, Hindu-centric vision of India (which they called “Hindusthan,” land of Hindus), wherein religious minority groups, particularly Muslims and Christians, must live “wholly subordinated to the Hindu Nation, claiming nothing, deserving no privileges, far less any preferential treatment—not even citizen’s rights.”

“Our country is Bharat, and we will have to stop using the word India and start using Bharat in all practical fields—only then will change happen,” stated RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat on September 1.

Christianity Today spoke to Indian Christian leaders on the likelihood of the name change and their reactions. While some expressed concern about the possible impact on minorities, especially Christians, others dismissed it as a diversionary political tactic.

A divisive dinner

Two days after Bhagwat’s statement, dinner invitations sent to dignitaries attending the G20 Summit on September 9 and 10 introduced president Droupadi Murmu as the “president of Bharat” rather than the conventional “president of India.” Traditionally, invitations issued by Indian constitutional bodies have consistently used the name India in English texts and Bharat in Hindi texts.

This deviation from the norm raised questions about the intentions of the Modi government, which has ruled the country for more than nine years yet has shown no preference for Bharat in the past.

The controversy further escalated when a photo of an invitation to the formal G20 banquet, addressed from the “president of Bharat,” went viral on social media. The two booklets released and distributed to the G20 dignitaries by the Modi government included one titled Bharat: The Mother of Democracy, which claimed, “Bharat is the official name of the country. It is mentioned in the Constitution as also in the discussions of 1946–48.” The booklet also refers to Hindu religious texts, such as the Mahabharata and Ramayana, and outlines “democratic ethos in Bharat over thousands of years.”

On the same day, BJP spokesperson Sambit Patra tweeted that Modi was attending a summit of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in Indonesia as the “prime minister of Bharat.”

The development occurred just days after the Modi government’s surprise announcement of a five-day special session of Parliament held September 18–22. Since the government did not announce the agenda for the special session, unconfirmed reports emerged about the tabling of a resolution to change the name of the nation.

Speculations were put to rest after the government published the agenda before the session began this week, but the confusion still gave rise to a controversy. Concerns were raised about the government’s intent and the possibility of changing the name of India to Bharat, given Modi and his party’s commitment to right-wing ideology and their push for Hindi language.

A. C. Michael, former member of the Delhi Minorities Commission, spoke to CT on the spread of right-wing ideology and the proposal of the name change. He expressed concern about religious fundamentalism and majoritarianism, which have adversely affected the “secular fabric” of the country.

“Religious minorities are already being treated as second-class citizens: no freedom to eat what we want, no freedom even to dress the way we like,” he said, citing local bans of Muslim headscarves in a Karnataka school. “Naming [India as] Bharat will be like a last nail on the coffin.”

Van Lalnghakthang, a professor of ethics and theology in Sielmat Bible College in Manipur and a pastor of the Independent Church of India, sees this proposal as an attempt “to promote a particular group, and alienate the minorities.”

What’s in a name?

Adding fuel to the already blazing fire, Modi opened the G20 Summit with a placard placed before him that read “Bharat” instead of “India.” Modi’s sudden preference for Bharat raised eyebrows.

“The possible name change … suggests an underlying objective, i.e., an attempt at changing India’s history,” Lalnghakthang said.

The renaming of cities in India predates Modi, with the most striking examples being the renaming of Bombay to Mumbai in 1995, when the regional political party Shiv Sena assumed power. This decision was motivated by the party’s desire to shed colonial associations and honor the city’s Maratha heritage, paying homage to the goddess Mumbadevi in the process.

Calcutta was changed to Kolkata to match its Bengali pronunciation in 2001, and Bangalore to Bengaluru in 2014. Since Modi’s arrival on the national scene in 2014, there have been many official initiatives to remove symbols of British rule and traces of the country’s Muslim history from India’s urban landscape, political institutions, and history books.

For instance, Allahabad, founded by Mughal emperor Akbar, became Prayagraj in 2018, reflecting its status as a Hindu pilgrimage site. However, some historical names, such as the Allahabad High Court, have not been changed.

In 2015, the new Modi government renamed New Delhi’s Aurangzeb Road to APJ Abdul Kalam Road. In 2016, Haryana’s BJP government renamed Gurgaon to Gurugram, after the mythological character Guru Dronacharya. In 2018, the Mughalsarai Junction Railway Station was renamed Deen Dayal Upadhyaya Junction, likely because of the word Mughal, a historic Muslim dynasty that ruled the subcontinent for hundreds of years, in its name.

Churches generally have not been affected by the name changes. While relatively newer churches are using the new names of their cities, such as Kolkata Christian Fellowship, which was founded in 2005, older Roman Catholic dioceses of Madras and Calcutta, as well as the Anglican dioceses of the Church of South India and the Church of North India, use the older names. The nearly 200-year-old historical educational institution in Chennai still goes by the name of Madras Christian College.

Changing names of institutions, churches, and organizations is not as simple as it may sound in India, say Christian leaders.

“There is a lot of paperwork, documentation, and legal hassle involved in changing to any name,” said Vijayesh Lal, the general secretary of the Evangelical Fellowship of India (EFI). “Secondly, the names that have been in use for many years become ‘brand names,’ and nobody can take the risk of such a change.”

Bharat and beyond

The debate between India and Bharat is quite old. Although people who support calling the country Bharat argue that the name India was forced upon the nation by the British, historians say that the name has been in use for many centuries, even before the colonial period.

The term India came from the Indus River, a Greek pronunciation of the Sindhu River. Even before Alexander the Great’s Indian campaign in the third century B.C., travelers from distant lands referred to the region southeast of the Indus as “India.”

Bharat, on the other hand, comes allegedly from the Hindu epic Mahabharata, particularly from the mythological king Bharata. Another school of thought claims the term came from the Vedic tribe of Bharatas, mentioned in Hindu scriptures.

“We are a secular nation, and many cultures and languages exist in our nation,” Lalnghakthang said. “This may be a plot to remove secularism by renaming the nation on religious grounds. This may impact religious freedom for minorities, including Christians, in India.”

The preamble of the constitution begins with “We, the people of India.” Part one of the document in English states, “India, that is Bharat, shall be a Union of States,” while in Hindi it states, “Bharat, that is India, shall be a Union of States.”

Changing India’s name to be only Bharat would involve a constitutional amendment, which would require a two-thirds majority in both houses of parliament.

In 2015, the Modi administration had opposed a public interest litigation in the Supreme Court of India that sought to change the name of the nation from India to Bharat. The government told the Supreme Court at the time that “there is no change in circumstances to consider any change.” Now, however, there seems to be a change in Modi’s stance.

Atul Aghamkar, national director of EFI’s National Center for Urban Transformation, said it was common for him and his peers while growing up to identify themselves as “Bharatiyas” (people of Bharat) in the Hindi and Marathi languages and as “Indians” in English.

Opinions have also been expressed that there may be other reasons for the government’s sudden preference of using Bharat over India, rather than just getting rid of the colonial baggage as claimed.

One of the allegations by the opposition is that the Modi government’s sudden shift in preference has come only after the formation of a new anti-BJP coalition called INDIA (Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance). The coalition is made up of 26 parties and will contest elections in opposition to the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA).

Aghamkar also sees the decision as a political move. The INDIA coalition “has significant implications on the upcoming general elections, and the ruling party knows it,” he explained, “and that is why they and the prime minister seem to have given prominence to the word Bharat rather than India, so that the opposition may have no advantage.”

“Another more compelling reason for this preference change is to keep the Hindu right-wing happy and to divide the nation further on those who would accept this change and those who wouldn’t,” he said. “Given the contemporary sociopolitical climate in India, it is bound to impact the minorities adversely, who are already under tremendous stress.”

Michael Williams, president of the United Christian Forum, said he personally prefers the name India. “I have been raised an Indian and it is a vital part of my identity,” he said. “I see this action as yet another distractive move by the present leadership to hide their inability to provide solid governance.”

If in the future this change happens, as is the agenda of the RSS, Aghamkar said, it may not have any direct implications for the rights of Christians. But its interpretation, as well as certain aspects of its imposition, may affect the rights and privileges of the community.

“It is too early to think about how to respond to this,” he said, “but Christian leadership may need to be prepared to protect their place and freedom in the constitutional framework and stand firmly on it.”

Lal expressed concern that changing the name to Bharat only, which so far has been secular might identify the nation (and its government) with a particular religion.

Annie Samson Peters of the department of philosophy at St. Stephen’s College, University of Delhi, points back to the Bible and reminds Christians of their duty to pray for the nation—whether India or Bharat.

“As Christians, our hope and trust are anchored in Christ Jesus, irrespective of the shifting political landscape or debates surrounding the nation’s name,” said Peters.

“God is sovereign and he has a purpose for his people, even in challenging circumstances. We are called to submit to earthly authorities and to demonstrate that through our prayers for our leaders and the nation,” she said. “Ultimately, it is the unwavering faith in God’s plans that is a source of peace and strength in these ongoing discussions.”

Indian Politicians Promised Relief for Persecuted Christians. So Far, So Good.

Surinder Kaur

Violence Against Indian Christians Is Becoming a Problem for American Politicians

Richa Karmarkar at RNS and CT editors

Can Christians Do Yoga? Indian Believers Weigh In

Surinder Kaur

The post India By Any Other Name? Christians Braced for ‘Bharat’ or Not appeared first on Christianity Today.

That’s journalist and documentarian Anto Akkara’s takeaway after 15 years of telling the stories of a Christian community in the eastern state of Odisha (formerly Orissa), India, systemically ravaged by Hindu mobs in 2007 and 2008.

Over these two years, extremists took the lives of 100 Christians, burned down 6,500 houses, and burned down or vandalized nearly 400 churches and places of worship. More than 40 women were raped and sexually assaulted, and the violence disrupted school for 12,000 children for years. (Previously, Kandhamal Christians had been subject to sporadic terror, though nothing at this level.)

Starting in 2008, Akkara has made 34 trips to the rural Kandhamal region, where he has filmed four documentaries focused on how this violence has impacted the victims’ lives. For his latest release, The Right Hand of God over Kandhamal, Akkara uncovers the fates of 10 assailants who attacked the Christian community and concludes there has been some sort of “divine retribution” at work. Eight have died, including two by suicide, one in a car crash, and one from paralysis. Another lost his ability to speak. Beyond those whose stories he investigates, there are even more that he says regret their actions and have “embraced the faith they once tried to banish from Kandhamal.”

Akkara recently spoke with CT’s South Asia correspondent Surinder Kaur about his surprising conversations with the assailants, the ways his reporting changed how he sees God, and the courage and boldness of the Christians who lost everything.

Why did you decide to tell the story of these assailants?

In Christmas 2009, the government convened a peace meeting between Christians and Hindu extremists and activists. During the meeting, Bamdev Kanhar, an activist who had vandalized a church in 2007, stood up and said, “We should not attack Christians. We must live peacefully; otherwise God will punish us.”

After I heard this statement from witnesses, I contacted the priest who was also present in the meeting to confirm the report in 2010. I then went to meet Kanhar and spoke to him, and he verified his own statement. One after the other, I heard several confessions from various sources about assailants regretting their actions and began to investigate each one. Interviewing one source led me to another—an act I did not see as a mere coincidence. Instead, I could see the divine intervention of God. Every investigation was a stunning revelation to me.

How challenging was traveling to Kandhamal?

It was challenging indeed. The journey to Kandhamal takes five to six hours from Bhubaneswar, Odisha’s capital city. Depending on where you want to travel after that, you could end up traveling up to 100 miles through a sprawling jungle district. [Nearly two-thirds of the land in the district is covered by a dense forest.] These are sensitive stories, and I was extremely cautious to verify minute details before I published them because there is no room for mistakes. One needs infinite patience to pursue the leads in this remote region where documentation is unheard of.

What form of trauma do the victims of the anti-Christian violence continue to witness?

The victims of the violence continue to suffer the losses of the consequences of the attacks of 2007 and 2008 and sporadic incidents in the years prior. Some lost their lives. Many lost property. They still carry the pains and struggle with their harsh lives, while holding on to their faith valiantly. They have suffered the injustice at the hands of the government and judiciary where even murderers have not been convicted.

Orissa’s Christian Widows Struggle to Survive

Surinder Kaur

Though the Supreme Court of India in 2016 described the “large number of acquittals” in Kandhamal as “unacceptable” and ordered Odisha State to investigate “wherever acquittals were not justified on facts,” nothing has happened.

Further, most victims of the violence have not received the enhanced compensation that the Supreme Court ordered, as the government made no effort to inform them of these benefits.

Amidst struggle and hard life, these people have shown exemplary faith and witness. While working on my book Shining Faith in Kandhamal, I was worried about the safety of the victims quoted, and so I used pseudonyms and blurred the faces in the photographs I took to hide their identities. But when I took copies of the book to them, they were furious, and they said, “We are not cowards. … Let them kill us. Kindly show our faces.”

Since I first began visiting in 2008 to my latest trip in March 2023, their courage (about being identified) has not declined over the years and is manifested in their response to my book.

Indian Supreme Court: State Response to Anti-Christian Mob Violence ‘Inadequate’

World Watch Monitor

How has unmasking the persecutor through this documentary brought solace to victims?

Kandhamal has witnessed scores of incidents that I describe as divine retribution or God's punishment for injustice heaped on hapless people or for desecrating something sacred, like a cross or church.

In 2004, a 22-year-old boy named Akhaya Mallick urinated on the Tabernacle of the Raikia church after it was torn down. A few days later, he was hospitalized for urine blockage. He confessed to the doctor about his act at the church and then went and met the parish priest and confessed his sin. Mallick died a few days later … his older brother Pramod’s wife, Sharddha Nayak, confirmed.

Mallick’s sudden death instilled fear of the living God in his brother Pramod (who in 1999 had become a follower of Christ but due to pressure from family had recanted his faith), and Shardha and Pramod started to attend church regularly.

On the other hand, there are everyday incidents witnessed by the victims where their Hindu neighbors (who were part of the violence then) have confessed their participation and regret their involvement.

A pastor shared with me how his neighbor who had pulled down his house helped him rebuild it nearly two years later.

I know of Hindu assailants whom I met attending (Christian) prayers who told me, “We assaulted them and looted them, but instead of staying angry, they were smiling at us. We saw that they are living peacefully, while we have no peace of mind. So, we decided to join them.”

I have also met several Hindus sitting in houses of Christian victims and admitting that “we joined in the attacks on Christians due to the false propaganda. Now we live in peace.”

These incidents of Hindus embracing the Christian faith have given new confidence to the hounded Christian community in Kandhamal. The sense of fear they carried has disappeared, and they are now more hopeful.

Worse Than Ever

Susan Wunderink

How do you understand God’s act of justice in this context?

After documenting these incidents meticulously, I cannot endorse theologians or Christians who claim that “God is ever merciful and will never punish.” How can we judge God? I have solid experiences and a firm belief that God’s ways are inscrutable. We cannot brand God as A or B or C alone. God does not remain blind or sit idle to the atrocities on the earth. Even the secular world has the term natural justice.

Wherever persecution took place, whether [in] Kandhamal, Mangaluru, or other parts of India, there have been incidents of divine retribution.

We had people from across the country who watched the documentary and then shared what they believe were examples of divine retribution following other attacks on Christians. One commenter shared about a police officer who led the brutalization of Christian protesters in Mangaluru in 2008 who later killed himself. People also wrote about similar events happening in Hyderabad and Bihar, where church desecrators met tragic deaths.

How has seeing what you believe is God’s intervention in the Kandhamal community changed your thinking about God and the reality of persecution?

By human logic, it is difficult to comprehend what God has planned or willed. Why did God allow 10 of Jesus’ disciples to become martyrs? Why God allowed those 21 Coptic Christians to be martyred by the ISIS in 2015?

But when I look at persecution, I remember the dictum of church historian Tertullian , “The blood of the martyrs is the seed of the church.” He wrote these words under Emperor Constantine, who legalized Christianity in 313, and I believe they still hold true. In fact, I call one chapter in my book Early Christians of 21st Century “Kandhamal Proves Tertullian Right” because it holds stunning testimonies of Hindu converts. I have also come across several “St. Pauls of Kandhamal”—disciples of the slain Swami who have embraced the Christian faith.

Why is your documentary important for the global church?

The unconditional forgiving attitude of the traumatized Christians has floored the Hindu nationalists in Kandhamal. Would anyone believe that there has not been a single revenge attack even in Christian-majority areas?

Kandhamal’s story of faith by the means of my documentary is a reminder to the global church of hope, faith, forgiveness, and that God is in charge.

Do you think Indian Christians and Christians globally pay enough attention to the reality of persecution of Christians?

There is global concern about what is happening in India, especially among organizations advocating for persecuted Christians, but unfortunately, there is hardly any act of solidarity when it comes to state-level interactions. I am reminded of the US President Donald Trump’s India visit in February 2020. Christians in India had high hopes that Trump would mention religious freedom issues in India, particularly the persecution of Christians, but his visit went by without any mention of the increasing attacks on Christians under the Modi regime.

Do you think there are more such individuals who might have met such horrendous ends? Are you motivated to carry on this investigation further?

There are much more than these 10 lives that I have traced back while working on this documentary. I have come across dozens more of such stunning incidents bordering on divine intervention and revelation. After the release of my documentary, I am getting messages and phone calls from sources who are eyewitnesses and have told me about the fate of the individuals involved in the violence. My aim is not to project lives that ended tragically but instead highlight the process of realization that these individuals had whether they are still alive or dead.

What do you hope this documentary accomplishes?

Given the increasing persecution of Christians across the country by the belligerent Hindu nationalists, with the connivance of the mandarins of ruling BJP [Bharatiya Janata Party] regimes, I intend to convey the message of hope and encourage my Christian brothers and sisters to trust in God. I also hope this crisp visual presentation of the stunning incidents recorded over 15 years will instill the fear of God and his judgment on the oppressors.

The post They Persecuted Indian Christians. Most Confessed. Did Divine Retribution Follow? appeared first on Christianity Today.